On the very day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This relatively brief report is saturated with pure Trump and Trumpism. It begins with the characteristically modest assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the document mostly codifies the ongoing policies and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a grave caution for the international community, and for Europe specifically.
The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US explicitly sets the goal of "fostering European strength." Its rhetoric seems lifted directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more worryingly, the document claims that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the genuine and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section on Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating strife, censorship of free speech and suppression of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "present trends continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economies and armed forces powerful enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for genuine democracy, free speech, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ individual character and past."
These arguments carry strong echoes of two concepts regarded as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "The Decline of the West," whose thesis on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "native" populations and bring in a more submissive and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream contained in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it identifies its allies: "America urges its political allies in Europe to advance this resurgence of spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Consequently, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "fostering opposition to Europe’s current trajectory within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to reclaim their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is obvious that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, more aligned with the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not regard Russia as an adversary either.
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the Monroe Doctrine of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
None of this is necessarily new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is published in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the situation is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in clear and concise terms: the current US government holds that its national security is most enhanced by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. It is time to respond accordingly.
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