In today's Britain, protest has ceased to be a basic freedom. Instead, it has become a conditional permission that those in power allow or deny as they see fit. This represents the implication of new regulations that the current government is putting forward, which would dictate the timing and location demonstrations can take place, with possible prison sentences for those who disobey these restrictions.
Previous governments had already weakened this essential right: the previous Tory administration had granted law enforcement sweeping new authorities, which global rights bodies had censured as "serious and undue limitations" on civil liberties. Collectively, these incremental assaults on freedom have practically eliminated the hard-won right to public demonstration.
The latest limitations are being defended by referring to last week's heinous anti-Jewish attack on a Manchester Islamic center. We can all agree on universal agreement that the security of Jewish communities in Britain must be protected. However, using this atrocity as a justification to stifle dissent is not only unrelated to that duty but distorts it.
"If you can't set boundaries at genocide, you probably can't establish limits at democracy," observed a prominent American author, a statement that rings true for the present administration.
Reflect on Britain's rich history of public demonstration and direct action against racial discrimination and authoritarianism, from the 1936 Battle of Cable Street to after World War II Jewish groups opposing fascism and the 1970s mobilizations against the far-right organization. Many of these historical demonstrators were branded as radicals in their time, even while they were advocating the freedoms of marginalized groups.
In today's complex situation, here's what's actually occurring: Israel – a sovereign nation – is perpetrating what United Nations investigations have characterized as genocide. Its military actions have led the global justice body to release legal indictments against Benjamin Netanyahu and his former defense minister.
Western popular sentiment has shifted dramatically against Israel's violent actions. In Britain, a substantial majority of the public think Israel has likely committed international law violations. Most people would support a complete ban on weapons exports to the nation, and back the arrest of the Israeli leader.
Having largely lost the public debate, pro-Israel advocates are now exploiting a despicable anti-Jewish attack to try to silence a mass movement against a ethical disaster. The British government seems included in this attempt. Government officials have not enacted comprehensive sanctions on Israel and have allowed weapon shipments to continue.
People who are demonstrating against the destruction of Gaza have been characterized as hateful extremists. Yet there's a significant reason why there hasn't been a more extensive suppression on these protesters until now: very limited protesters have made genuinely hateful statements about Jewish people, giving law enforcement little justification to intervene.
Equating Jewish identity with the actions of the government of Israel is not only manipulative but also harmful. The standard interpretation of antisemitism, adopted by the British government and many organizations, has been rightly challenged for potentially restricting valid commentary of Israel. However, there should be universal agreement about one of its central illustrations: that "making Jewish people collectively responsible for decisions of the state of Israel" constitutes prejudice against Jews.
This is why we've arrived at a situation where law enforcement can propose that protests opposing Israel's policies should be canceled because they might "accidentally or deliberately" support anti-Jewish sentiment. Similarly, government officials have declared that acknowledgment of Palestinian statehood has made political parties "complicit" in alleged abuse experienced by British Jews.
On the same day as the religious center assault, the Israeli military killed dozens of Palestinian civilians in Gaza – increasing the horrific toll from two years of daily atrocities that have taken tens of thousands of lives. British politicians and news organizations have barely concealed the minimal importance they assign to Palestinian existence. This represents one of the boldest expressions of discrimination in our time.
Our government has already crossed a dangerous boundary by proscribing Palestine Action, a non-violent, anti-genocide activist collective. Multiple thousands of British demonstrators have been arrested, mostly for holding signs opposing genocide and endorsing the proscribed group. Many of those detained are elderly citizens; among them a retired priest and the child of a Holocaust survivor.
It's easy to see where this trajectory leads. In the United States, political leaders helped vilify demonstrations supporting Palestine: a former House Speaker implied that some were "linked with" foreign governments, while the current president described such protests as antisemitic. In taking these actions, they contributed to normalizing the authoritarian crackdown on such protests – and on freedom of expression in general.
If a hard-right government comes to power, it would be given extensive authority to suppress dissent. What might a new administration do with this repressive toolkit? Our ancestors fought, endured hardship and died to establish our liberties. We may eventually rue how easily we permitted them to be eroded.
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